In 1939 Eberhard (Bekaa) was alone at work at Porto Alegre floriculture Walter Winge. 
In 1941 he followed his wife Hildegard and children Eberhard II, Mechthild and Gunther. Ulrich was in Ijuí, where he worked in the pharmacy Schenk. Soon after switching Eberhard was invited to spend a few days at the expense of the federal government because of the conflict Brazil Germany in World War II. We make clear that Eberhard had no sympathy at all with national socialist, communist or imperialist. Saiu da Alemanha justamente por que não gostava de nenhuma destas ideologias.
Cordeiro de Farias, chefe do Estado Maior da 3ª Região Militar sediada em Porto Alegre foi nomeado interventor federal no Rio Grande do sul assumindo em 4 de março de 1938 e havia determinado a nacionalização de todas as escolas alemãs devido às tensões da II Guerra Mundial
Em seu discurso, o regime varguista estava acima de suspeitas. A polícia política movia-se por um terreno escorregadio e impreciso. Com o fechamento cada vez maior do sistema, a demanda pela manutenção da ordem crescia, bem como a ampliação da máquina policial e o seu poderio. Sua atuação baseava-se na “lógica distrust, "from which sought to establish links between the information obtained in order to trace the activities of suspects, then proceed to his arrest. An investigation was abnormal any act or event, incorporating the element related to it in the categories of suspects, forged at the time.
this perspective, the individual was potentially able to commit any act against the nation, although this was not done. The suspects were under police surveillance. In the case of German / descendants living in Rio Grande do Sul, a crime carrying the "German citizenship" / German origin and thus were considered potentially likely to become Nazis, representing a danger to national security. If the picture was that, after 1942 had become more critical. With the declaration of war on Germany, the political police did not expect more to complete his work of observation, gathering evidence of guilt. Since suspicions about a hover 'element', this could be picked up and detained for questioning, being available to the chief of police. Replying to a message, the intervenor's interim status, Miguel Tostes, informed the Minister of Justice, Marcondes Filho, 7 October 42: Citizens
those Germans annexed order were arrested and gathered at Cologne General Criminal Daltro Son. They were later set free by completion of sentence and release permits under the National Security Court. Following the declaration of war state that establishment were again collected, as a security policy because it is information considered hazards because activities have always developed.
Thus we constructed an idealized image of the spy and Nazi party founded in large quantity of seized material, iconography, literature, banners, posters, towels inscribed with, etc.. This material would also serve to expose formed at police headquarters, as well as the publication of reports Py. [i]
If the threat was constant police repression led by Chief of Police with the support of the intervenor, was more efficient and energetic, dismantling any threat to the project. Cordeiro
surveillance ensured that public knows his footsteps, the intentions and goals, even those who understood the monster of greater secrecy. [...] We are warned against the technique and methods adopted by Nazism confusion. In Rio Grande Viper no longer lift their heads. We are sure of everything. Aided by popular interest, we are not alarmed nor frightened us with the rumors. [ii]
The secret was his most powerful weapon: the police were supposed guardians of compromising information about all the people / institutions, which could come to light at any time. This tactic would generate fear, terror, obedience and submission to his authority.
[i] PY, op. cit. [1940], p. 7. In Rio Grande do Sul, the police organized the "museum of Nazism," for which gathered all the material seized. In Rio de Janeiro, also an exposure occurred in March 1942 at the Palace of the Civil Police, with the proceeds of the seizures. About Nazi action in the country, Filinto Müller said: "Since it had been unleashed an offensive shadow, the Rio police organized a defensive behind the scenes" (People's Post, 16/abr./1942, No. 89, p. 12.
[ii] People's Post, 7 / jan./1942, No. 5, p. 5.
[i 632 Telegram, sent by the Miguel Tostes Marcondes Filho. Correspondence sent in the second half of 1942. CG, M 149, AHRS. Source: Marcia Rosa Neumann in http : / / www.cce.udesc.br/cem/simposioudesc/anais/st3/st3rosane.doc
Hildegard became desperate, with no way to sustain the family: wir haben nichts zu essen! But Gunther consoled : wir leben aber noch. (Hildegard: not have enough to eat. Gunther comforting his mother, but we're still alive. )
Gunther says that an anonymous neighbor, of Italian origin, left to reach the fence baskets of vegetables. Another neighbor, Anglo American, sent a basket of grapes daily ( anonyme halfen Nachbarn mit Gemüse und Trauben, die sie über den Zaun stehen liessen ). Rua Dr. Mário Totta 958, Sadness neighborhood, Porto Alegre, Brazil
Another account of Gunther:
Eberhard told the authorities that his wife Hildegard, his son Eberhard ( Ebi), his daughter Mechthild ( Tilli ) and his youngest son Gunther ( Heimück ) were murdered. That's right, said the father, already upset that her family had been decimated. Eberhard
just kept saying: "Luck of Uli Ijuí have remained as an apprentice in Pharmacy Schenk & Geis " This was the only thought that kept him still standing.
Only two weeks later found barely believe his eyes: Gunther, his youngest son, was before him! They had played him a piece of bad taste.
Im Gefängnis informierten dass die Behörden Hildegard, Sohn Eberhard (Ebi), Mechthild Tochter (Tilli) und Sohn Gunther (Heimück) ermordet würden, er zwei Wochen lang woran glaubte. "Zum Glück war Uli bei der Apotheke in Ijuí Schenk & Geis Lehrling geblieben als " Dieser Gedanke erhielt ihn Aufrecht .
Eberhard Sydow never defended fascist ideology "National Socialist". If immigrated to Brazil was precisely to escape the ideological conflict between Communist and National Socialist who tried to involve him in Germany.
Yet the Vargas dictatorship (or New State: stroke November 10, 1937 to October 29, 1945), by DEOPS, confiscated documents and literature in German
the Brazilian government were interested citizens who feel "belonging to or linked to the Brazilian state and not the Third Reich"; a Getulio Vargas individual who worship it as a political leader and not Adolf Hitler that, despite these socio-political tensions, it lent itself as a model statesman for those countries who saw fascism as a solution to the problems of the nation. This first stage of repression must therefore be interpreted through the prism of nationalism and xenophobia sustained by the State authoritarian intervenor that, based on the laws of nationalization, legitimized their feelings xenophobic and racist.
Between 1938-1942, the German, however, was not seen as an ideological danger for the dissemination of Nazi ideology, but rather a danger "ethnic" seen as "alien" to the "new man" who wanted to build. In 1942, with the entry of Brazil in World War II on the Allied side, this danger has a new dimension, transforming themselves into "military and ideological." The Brazilian alignment alongside the Allies redefined a series of postures and attitudes of the organs of repression. The state of neutrality did not allow certain types of coercion / repression. This character "neutral" permitiu inclusive que o próprio cônsul alemão em São Paulo, Walter Molly, se dirigisse pessoalmente ao DEOPS com o intuito de denunciar a atividade de propaganda anti-germânica e os policiais do DEOPS não só apuraram a denúncia, mas apreenderam o material em questão.
A repressão aos nazistas na Era Vargas carrega em seu cerne uma contradição: como pôde um governo que teve como modelo os regimes nazi-fascistas em um determinado momento passar a perseguir os nazistas? Esta resposta só pode ser esclarecida se observarmos a questão sob o prisma das relações internacionais entre o Brasil e os países ligados ao Eixo e aos Aliados, em especial, à Alemanha e aos Estados Unidos.
O Brasil, que passou a maior parte do tempo neutro no conflito internacional da II Guerra Mundial, teve que definir em um determinado momento uma postura clara. E neste momento, que seria o ano de 1942, ele tomou a posição de ser pró-aliados. Somente dentro da perspectiva de um Brasil finalmente posicionado a favor dos Aliados no conflito mundial da II Guerra, os nazistas e os demais cidadãos considerados “súditos do eixo” passaram a ser considerados inimigos militares e por conseqüência, alvo das ações de vigilância e perseguição da polícia política.
Anna Maria Dietrich é Doutora em História Social pela Technische Universität Berlin e pela USP (2007) Available in < http://74.125.45.104/search?q=cache:y9SkP8IOIkAJ:oglobo.globo.com/blogs/arquivos_upload/2008/06/110_258-suasticas.doc+Imigrantes+alem% C3% A3es + prisoners +1941 & hl = en & ct = clnk & cd = 1 & gl = us >
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